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EDITORIAL

10 November 2012

BANGSAMORO HISTORICAL NOTES

PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT: OCTOPUS PORTRAYAL UNMASKED

 

 


ANATOMY OF UNMASKING OCTOPUS-LIKE PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT

It is baffling to note that since day one in 1974, at the heights of the fierce Filipino-Moro war in Mindanao, the Philippine government under President Ferdinand E. Marcos had invited the Organization of of Islamic Conference [now 'Organization of Islamic Cooperation'] (OIC) to mediate in achieving peace in the colonized Bangsamoro homeland of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan (MINSUPALA). But in the course of the peace process the government has  always portrayed the jelly role of one big-head octopus with a variety of loose tentacles.

Indeed, is Philippine colonialism a singular-headed political establishment with several distinct tentacles to prey in neutralizing different adversarial forces?

Clearly, this is the potent role of the Philippine government related to the freedom struggle of the Bangsamoro people against Filipino colonial hegemony in Mindanao. Obviously, this has always been the strategic role practiced by the different Filipino presidents from Dictator Ferdinand Marcos to Corazon C. Aquino, Fidel V. Ramos, Joseph E. Estrada, Gloria M. Arroyo and Benigno S. Aquino III. The transitional presidential personalities have only portrayed as contrasting shade of tentacles of the Philippine government with each showing only a different and unique style of leadership in pursuing one primordial interest that is in preserving Philippine colonialism in Mindanao. Understandably, this is in keeping with the memory of Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon, the architect of the colonization and occupation of the Bangsamoro homeland of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan and colonial enslavement of the Bangsamoro people. Simply analyzed, the political end game only borders on colonial duplicity.

On this note, why are the different presidential tentacles of the Philippine government up to only cosmetic peace process by conducting peaceful negotiations with the Bangsamoro freedom fighters and even signing peace agreements with them, but each tentacle government never has the political will to implement the forged peace agreement.

Is this the bottom line policy of the octopus-like Philippine government?

FROM 1976 TRIPOLI PEACE AGREEMENT TO 1987 JEDDAH PEACE ACCORD, 1996 FINAL PEACE AGREEMENTS AND 2012 FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT ON BANGSAMORO

In history, it cannot be denied that the Marcos regime signed the December 22, 1976 Tripoli Agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). But the media-highlighted "historical breakthrough" peace agreement was never seriously implemented by the Philippine Marcos government up to the next tentacle Aquino government.

Subsequently, once assuming the presidency after the EDSA people-supported Philippine military coup in 1986, President Corazon C. Aquino called for peace talks with the MNLF, meeting even personally MNLF Chairman Nur Misuari on September 5, 1986 in Jolo to give momentum to peace-making efforts. With the active involvement of the OIC Secretariat, the peace negotiations between the Aquino administration and the MNLF led to the signing of the April 17, 1987 Jeddah Peace Accord. Nonetheless, the peace agreement was never implemented during the time of the Aquino government, leading to the sudden resumption of the Filipino-Moro war in Mindanao. And this too was never meant for implementation by the next tentacle Philippine Ramos government. Destined to the dust bin of history, the Jeddah Peace Accord was totally ignored and never was considered a binding agreement by the Ramos watch.

Substantially, under the Ramos government, the September 2, 1996 MNLF-OIC-GRP Peace Agreements, including the details of the 1976 Tripoli Peace Agreement, were forged and initialed in Jakarta, Indonesia, and signed in Malacanang Palace with the presence of government officials and foreign dignitaries that included the OIC Secretary General and the Indonesian Foreign Minister. Yet, the full implementation of the peace agreement was never given serious consideration, except to "entrap" MNLF Chairman Nur Misuari to run unopposed for the governorship of the Philippine Congress-created Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) to serve presumably as a political component to empower the Ramos government-conceived 13-province and 8-city composite Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD) whose chairmanship was also handed in silver platter to the MNLF Chairman.

However, the ARMM, which was rejected from the beginning by the MNLF and OIC, has always been a farcical solution to the four-decades long Filipino-Moro war in Mindanao. Thus, the ARMM leadership was abandoned by MNLF Chairman Misuari in 2001, leading to the eruption of war in Jolo and his incarceration for about five years under the Philippine Arroyo government.

The succeeding tentacle governments of Joseph E. Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo never bothered to completely implement the 1996 Final Peace Agreements. On the other hand, the Arroyo regime tried though to establish a whitewashed five-province expanded ARMM, thus, claiming to have implemented the 1996 Final Peace Agreements. It proceeded to open up peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), but failed to sign formally the initialed Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) on ancestral domain or "Comprehensive Compact" as proposed by the MILF because this was torpedoed by the Philippine Supreme Court, declaring the MOA "unconstitutional " by a 7-8 vote.

Presently, under President Benigno S. Aquino II, the Philippine government has decided to put closure to the Mindanao war by initiating peace talks with the MILF as facilitated by Malaysia after personally meeting MILF Chairman Alhaj Murad Ebrahim in Tokyo, Japan. But the course of action has sidelined the complete and correct implementation of the OIC-mediated 1996 Final Peace Agreements.

On this situational complexity, the tentacle Aquino government and the MILF signed in Malacanang Palace on October 15, 2012  the Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro with the presence of hundred-strong MILF members, government workers and foreign dignitaries, including Malaysian Prime Minister Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak, giving the people and conscious humanity the impression that the MILF-GPH Peace Agreement is to achieve "just and lasting" peace in war-ravaged Mindanao.

Nevertheless, given the sad and bleak experiences with the past peace agreements forged and signed by the Bangsamoro freedom fighters with the octopus-like Philippine government, will the framework agreement on Bangsamoro makes a difference? -osm/mnlfnet.com

 

Related Articles:

Speech of Pres. Quezon Declaring the Colonization of the Bangsamoro Homeland Mindanao

PHILIPPINE STATE TERRORISM VIS-A-VIS BANGSAMORO FREEDOM STRUGGLE

RECLAIMING BANGSAMORO HUMANITY FROM FOREIGN COLONIZERS

PHILIPPINES-BANGSAMORO WAR IN MINDANAO: COMPREHENSIVE SOLUTION?

Why Did Quezon Commonwealth Regime Design Eclipsing Bangsamoro Sultanate?

WHY BANGSAMORO, NOT FILIPINO?

HISTORICAL AND "HUMAN WRONG" OF PHILIPPINE COLONIALISM: HOW NOT TO RESPECT HISTORIC-HUMAN RIGHTS OF
BANGSAMORO AND CHINA?

 

   

 

 

   

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The Jeddah Accord 
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O The MNLF-MILF Merger O Speeches of Chairman Misuari O The August 14, 2001 ARMM Plebiscite
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